Friday, 30 August 2013

Oorlog

Die vrouw is zó lief, je zou haar bijna opeten. Ik heb steeds de neiging haar te knuffelen (en doe dat overigens nooit). Ik zeg nu al gedag tegen Obachan, oma(tje). Ze geeft me haar hand, die ik met twee handen vasthoud, en bedank haar 300 keer. Sayonara zeg ik, vaarwel. Mata kite ne? zegt ze, tot snel weer ziens, hè? De kans is groot dat dit de laatste keer is dat ik haar zie.

Deze week was het 65 jaar geleden [2010] dat de bommen vielen op Hiroshima en Nagasaki. Een paar dagen geleden zagen mijn gastzussen en ik een stuk van een herdenking op tv. Ik initeerde een gesprek en stelde wat vragen. Ze vertelden iets dat ik nog niet wist. Ik wist dat Obachan aan de rand van Hiroshima was, op een treinstation met haar schoolklas, toen de bom viel. De bom heeft hen geen kwaad gedaan, maar ik hoor nu dat er ook vliegtuigen waren, met andere bommen en geschut. De groep meisjes werd beschoten. Obachan heeft haar vriendinnetjes om haar heen door geallieerd vuur zien sterven. Zelf is ze op de grond gaan liggen en heeft een streep kogels langs zich heen over de grond zien gaan. Obachan zegt dat ze daardoor nergens meer bang voor is. Mijn gastzus zegt dat ook oma zegt dat Japan veel foute dingen deed en dat er iets moest gebeuren. We praten over of dit de juiste (of enige) oplossing was. Ik zeg dat oorlog vreselijk is en dat ik vind dat waar twee vechten er altijd twee schuld hebben. Ze zucht, ze lijkt opgelucht.

Ik droom over oorlog. Toen Obachan daar op de grond lag, lag mijn oma Selma in Indië in een Jappenkamp op sterven door jaren slechte voeding en slaag.

Thursday, 29 August 2013

Japanse service

Het is sale bij Kintetsu, de Japanse Bijenkorf. Het is bizar druk, vooral op de tassenafdeling. Daar staan drie mannen in uniform zo hard mogelijk de nieuwe prijzen te schreeuwen en iedere klant 600 keer te bedanken voor hun aankoop. Gelukkig hoeven wij alleen naar de cosmeticaafdeling om enorm chique gezichtsreiniger te kopen. Tijdens het wachten smeer ik gedachteloos een heel klein beetje lippenstift op mijn hand om de kleur te zien.

Zodra mijn gastzus aan de beurt is vraagt ze de perfect gekapte en opgemaakte dame of ze iets heeft om mijn hand mee schoon te maken. Ik wordt op een kruk geplaatst en ik moet mijn hand overgeven aan deze dame, die er in opperste concentratie een liter 'whitening cleansing lotion' op smeert. Een flesje kost 50 euro. Er blijkt een kraantje in de designer cosmetica bar te zitten. Na vijf minuten en een enorme wasbeurt wordt mij, via Kuniko, gevraagd of ik zonnebrandcrème gebruik. Ik krijg even grondig 50+++ zonnebrand op mijn vers geschrobde hand. Met een twee tinten lichtere linkerhand verlaat ik, ietwat beduusd, de cosmeticaafdeling.

Wednesday, 28 August 2013

Donuts

Als je op het punt staat te verhuizen kom je weleens iets bijzonders tegen. Zoals een dagboekje van een bezoek aan mijn gastgezin in Japan in 2010. Deze laatste paar dagen voor mijn nieuwe avontuur is het misschien leuk een aantal passages met jullie te delen.

Na met de anderen iets gegeten te hebben wil ik voor iedereen (dus ook voor thuis) donuts meenemen. Dus ik zeg: Ik wil graag wat donuts kopen. Okee, ik vraag welke ze willen: moeilijk, moeilijk, Japans, donuts worden gekozen. Ik pak mijn portemonnee: no-go. Druk schuddende hoofden, nee nee, dat hoeft niet. Maar ik wíl het graag. Nee, nee! De donuts worden met licht geweld ontvreemd. Gastbroer betaalt. Mijn gastzus wijst naar ieder van ons vieren. "Family" zegt ze.


Sunday, 25 August 2013

Dusting off the ol' blog

This was inevitable, people. Making my rounds, saying goodbye to everyone, packing up all my stuff (or giving it away), and dusting off the ol' blog. Again.

If you've been to Scotland, Suriname and Japan with me on this blog, welcome back. The settled life turned out not to suit me so well after all, so I'm preparing for a new adventure. Thanks for coming with me once more, I'll try to entertain you while I put my thoughts to paper (or, more accurately, the interwebs).

If you haven't been here before, welcome. This is my diary, my ramble place, my writing practice ground, and my way of keeping some lovely people, that I'll miss dearly, up to date on my adventures into the great unknown. Again.

ETA: 8 days









Saturday, 7 August 2010

Samurai Baseball

I fell in love with baseball seven years ago. With Japanese baseball that is. The game, the colours, the fans, the synchronised cheering; I fell in love with it all. When you spend a summer in a typical Japanese family in Osaka, odds are there will be baseball on tv every night during dinner. We cheer for the 'Hanshin Tigers', Osaka's number one baseball team, except for the fact that we don't usually win much. The best thing about the Tigers is the fans. The Tigers are famous for their fanatic devotees, about which many an anthropological study has been conducted (see WW Kelly). I did not know this at the time, but a couple of years after spending my first summer in Japan I wound up studying my team in University in Leiden. Some years after that I went back to Japan and saw my team play 'live' in Osaka against their arch enemies; the Tokyo Yumiori Giants. Life takes the strangest turns sometimes.

This year I found myself in another of such experiences. I went to see a baseball game two days ago, together with my two host-sisters and my host-mom. The experience is worth sharing with you. Baseball is not a male oriented sport here, so we were bringing our girl-power to the new Kyocera Dome in Osaka. Unfortunately our Tigers were fighting the Giants in Tokyo so we went to see 'the other Osaka' team (which obviously takes precedence over any Tokyo team), the Buffaloes. They were playing the Lions. I wondered why you would call your team 'Buffaloes' in a competition where Tigers and Lions are around too...the odds were against us this evening.

The Japanese take their baseball very seriously, like they take most things in life. Japanese baseball is meticulously planned at six in the evening, so ensure that the supporters can come in straight after work and the game ends in time for the last train (Japanese baseball games have a time limit).The dome was beautiful, the blue plastic toy chairs with too little leg space for a foreigner were slightly uncomfortable, the suspense was omnipresent.
Cheerleaders and mascottes with massive cartoon heads were intoducing the players. When the commentator mumbles something non-japanese sounding you'll know the next player will be a Gaijin (lit. outside-person, used to describe all foreigners). Most professional teams in Japan have at least one gaijin player, coming from American or Australian competitions, and they are usually worshiped as tall oddities amongst fans. In comparison: the Tigers' Japanese star batter is 1.69m in height. A 1.98m, 105kg tobaco-chewing American pitcher might look a tad scary to them. These gaijin players often have a translator accompanying them during practice and games, to make sure they understand what's going on. They always look slightly baffled when being interviewed for Japanese tv-shows (worthy of blogs of their own), donned with a general 'what am I doing here?' expression on their face.

We were led to our seats by a girl in a red t-shirt that said 'Security'. These security people are positioned all around the dome during the game. She has a whisle around her neck which she will sound when a foul ball is hit in her direction, in order to warn the spectators to mind their heads. The stadium commentator will say something like: 'Foul ball coming your way, please be careful, Go-chui kudasai!' The word 'security' takes on an entirely different meaning here.

The bellies of the cheerleaders reflected all available light, since tanning is a fashion no-no in Japan. The dome was slowly filling up with salary-men in cheap suits carrying laptop bags coming straight from work for a Kirin-drenched night out with their colleagues. At foul balls you will see them crawling on the floor to find it, most with their sleeves rolled up, some with their jackets still on because they are either too junior or too senior to take them off this early in the evening. Little kids wearing their own baseball outfits carry little plastic bats to clap along with the songs. Make no mistake, grown men and women will be just as enthousiastic in incessantly clapping their bats and waving their scarves at precisely the right moments: that is, when everyone else is doing it too.

The big screen on the other end of the dome showed flashy advertisements between innings and slow motion replays of players donned with sparkling words like 'Good Play!', 'Struck Out', and 'Timely!'. The seating area next to the screen on the other end of the field is reserved for the die-hard fans, the Japanese hooligans, so to speak. This fan-base is very well organised and again, taken very seriously. There are different ranks one can belong to, including those of Small Flag Waver, Drum Player, Trumpet Player, Crowd Conductor and Big Flag Waver. I imagine the Big Flag Wavers are the coolest, because there were only two of those at this game. The hooligan side of the stadium decides which song is sung when and for how long. The rest of the crowd joins in. Every player has their own song (some even have two) which will be performed by the small brass band, accompanied by all the excited fans present. Some songs have dances, too. While walking up to the plate players get everyone to wave their scarves counter-clockwise above their heads or clap their bats in a certain rythm. Battle cries will come from all sides at exactly the same time. Sometimes I wonder if everyone has an earpiece I don't know about...

The game is exciting and the home-runs are fantastic. I am enjoying every second and every sausage-on-a-stick of it. While my host mom was listening to the Tigers lose against the Giants on the radio next to me, the Buffaloes beat the Lions; 9-4. Anything goes in the Japanese jungle.

Sunday, 1 November 2009

Dissertation Summary

A three page summary of my Masters dissertation, for those of you interested.

Pluralist Paradise? The Interreligious Situation in Paramaribo, Suriname.
This research aims to help analyse Suriname as a multi-religious society and to see how in this society religion is apparently used as a means for preventing conflict rather than causing it. The situation as it stands in Suriname is worth researching with exactly this in mind. This small and relatively isolated community of 500.000 people seems to be miles ahead when it comes to interreligious participation and sincere tolerance. Suriname appears to be a country in which very few problems occur in interreligious communication. The population consists of people from many different ethnic and religious backgrounds of which none hold an absolute majority. There are many different aspects in Suriname’s history that have contributed to the situation as it now stands.
The diversity of ethnic and religious movements and organisations in Suriname is overwhelming. For the purpose of this dissertation, the focus will lie only on the three major religions Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam, which are most prominent in Suriname. Religion and ethnicity are not necessarily connected in Suriname. In this dissertation we deal with a society that consists of several groups with different ethnic and religious identities that all call themselves ‘Surinamese’. Their cultural, ethnic and national identities are fluent and have changed or mixed over time.
The Surinamese people today (with the exception of very few descendants of Dutch farmers and Indians) are all descendants of different peoples, brought there for a certain purpose, that of work. The country’s history is given by all interviewees as a reason for the tolerance displayed by the different ethnic groups in modern times. The sharing of a common oppressor is often cited as a reason for fraternisation. At this point in history there is no absolute, or dominant, majority in ethnic or religious form. Paramaribo is a small community that strives to function well not despite of, but because of, its diversities.
The enormous diversity of colour and practice of the people in Suriname is seen as such a normal thing for those living there that visiting a foreign country can cause some confusion.
“We Surinamese are raised with such great diversity, we are completely used to it. You can compare the diversity in Suriname to a lovely bouquet of mixed flowers. When you visit another country, all you see is roses. To us, that is a strange experience.” (Dr. S. William-Asgarali, personal communication, July 10, 2009)
It is very clear from my experiences that it is mainly social gatherings, parties, food and music that bring the people of Suriname together, despite their religious differences. They might not want to attend a religious ceremony of some differing religious tradition in a church or temple, but all are welcome and happy to attend celebrations regarding marriage, birthdays or celebrations of religious festivals at home or a non-religious space. Most neighbourhoods in Paramaribo are mixed and it is common that neighbours or friends from different religious traditions are invited over to the house for dinner or a celebration. The receiving family usually knows which religious tradition is followed by the guest and will adapt their choice of food for the celebration to the rules given to the guest by their religion.
When it comes to questions about religion, most informants focused on shared moral values and ‘humanity’. Discussion or underlying critique about differing religious truths is present under the surface, but generally it doesn’t surmount in violence or intolerance. Most interviewees gave me a version of this statement: “At the end of the day we focus on everyone being human and sharing the same rights and duties.” Shared moral values include the will not to offend anyone, or speak in negative terms about another’s religion. “If I don’t bother you, you won’t bother me.” The Surinamese are proud of their ability to tolerate everyone, within certain shared moral standards.
Until now, deeper underlying religious differences between groups have never been openly addressed. In the political arena political parties have chosen to use ethnicity as a means of distinction, religion has, as of yet, not entered the equation. Religious issues are not seen as something to be discussed openly, this however does not mean they do not exist. They might be present just under the surface. The unanswered question is, will it be constructive to start theological discussions to try to prevent such possible usage of religion in the political arena or is it better to leave the issues untouched and work instead on the practical implementation of interreligious cooperation on a basis of shared ethics?
Several interreligious or ecumenical bodies are functioning in Suriname to help set up and sustain social projects and humanitarian work. This research focuses on IRIS (Interreligious Council in Suriname) and the CCK (Committee of Christian Churches).
IRIS currently consists of five representatives from different religious institutions who come together every month to discuss predominantly social issues as they arise in Surinamese society and a possible contribution the council could provide in improving the situation. The participating religions are expected to bring their own religious morals and worldview to the table in council meetings. As practice shows, the representatives of the different religious organisations find common ground in complementing ethics and shared moral values. The dissertation pays attention to several projects initiated or supported by IRIS.
The aim of the CCK is to provide a body concerned with social and ecumenical issues. According to my informants members of the CCK are reluctant to join IRIS since this would give out a signal to their followers that could be interpreted as deviating from the churches’ teachings of the uniqueness of the Christian church as the only way to ultimate salvation. The resistance of the CCK, or members of the CCK, to join IRIS seems to be partially based on a misunderstanding of the councils aims and actions. Since the CCK itself does focus on bringing their different ‘Christianities’ closer together it may be that the members, or their followers, might think joining IRIS entails such theological sharing. As I have been told many times, this is not the case. IRIS is solely and exclusively focussed on finding practical solutions for social problems apparent in day to day life for the Surinamese.
It is of course understandable that, when preaching uniqueness and exclusivity in church, far reaching teamwork with other religions could be seen as sidestepping ones’ own teachings. Ultimately, this argument of non-compatibility could be used as a justification by all religions for not participating in any interreligious activities, yet the situation in Suriname provides an interesting look into how it could be when religious bodies do set aside their theological differences to participate in joint social projects and humanitarian work.

In Suriname there are many shared cultural factors emphasising a shared national identity but other cultural factors such as religion and the use of a secondary language also stress diversity. Differences in religion take a back seat to shared factors. It is not seen as a breaking point, nor are differences in language, since there is a shared factor which is emphasised more: that of a common humanity and a shared nationality.
Also remarkable about the situation in Suriname is the apparent capability of contrasting religious institutions to come to a consensus and to deal with social projects from the point of view of moral authorities. They are able to accept each other as equally valid moral authorities and join their forces to reach as high a percentage of the population as possible in fighting for their common goals.
It is clear that IRIS sees their role in providing social support and taking moral and ethical responsibility for what goes on in Suriname very seriously. Most striking is the fact that the inter-faith initiatives are being received so well. Unfortunately these positive projects and initiatives are paired with problems in administration and funds, and a general lack of organisational experience or resources. Regardless of its shortcomings; the successes, press releases and government involvement contribute to a trustworthy image. IRIS is accepted as an authoritative institution in Surinamese society. The Surinamese government actively contributes to the image of Suriname as being an interreligious community in which religions can act as an important player to help retain social cohesion.
Could the IRIS model of interreligious cooperation then be used in other countries as well? Public response and image is very important in helping IRIS to function with as much authority as it does now. The model would thus only function well under the condition that the religious leaders involved are respected and still seen as authoritative figures by the majority of society in the first place. This condition may then prove this Surinamese model to be unsuccessful in ‘western’ countries in which religious leaders have already generally lost their authoritative status. This being said, I also think the entire situation as it stands now in Suriname is unique to such an extent that trying to use it as a utopian interreligious model for other countries might in itself not be effective since it is based on a very complex system of factors.

Saturday, 12 September 2009

The end of being studious

You have to excuse me for not posting in the last months. I've been writing my 15.000 word blog on Suriname, a.k.a. my Dissertation.

I'm happy to say that "Pluralist Paradise? The interreligious situation in Paramaribo, Suriname" is done now! It's actually been submitted so I can't do anything about it anymore.

Before I send my dissertation to all those in Suriname that have helped me I will first write a small abstract to go with it. I'll post the abstract on my blog so you can read it, if you like.

You'll be hearing a bit more from me soon... exciting job hunting and networking experiences coming up :P